Holy Roman Empire

In the Poznan Prussian Army Headquarters, Maoqi was busy convening a military meeting to discuss whether to recapture the city of Poznan.

Geographically, Poznan is located at the heart of the Polish Plain and is a transport hub and industrial center, naturally it would be best to have control over it in one’s own hands.

Poznan, situated on the Polish Plain, is not associated with a strategically important location; as an inland central city, Poznan does not need to consider the threat of foreign enemies, so naturally, it would not have many defensive fortifications.

On the surface, it might seem easy to conquer. In reality, it was quite the opposite; the main force of the Eighth Russian Army had holed up in the city, and to defend it, they had even driven out all the locals.

If this were in later times, it might have been a blessing, meaning the Prussian Army would not need to worry about civilian casualties and could fight without restraint.

In this era, however, the power of artillery was limited; to destroy a city, a vast amount of ammunition and time was needed.

To ensure the Warsaw garrison could delay as much as possible, the Prussian Army left behind a large amount of artillery and ammunition when they withdrew, carrying only a small amount with them.

Even if domestic supplies could be delivered, it wouldn’t work; the Russians had made it clear they intended to fight street by street, which couldn’t be ended in a day or two. The Prussian Army didn’t have enough time to waste here.

The Berlin Government had repeatedly insisted, ordering them to hurry back and deal with the Russian Army that was nearly at Berlin’s doorstep.

As for the battlefield at Poznan, the military was still trying its best. Most people in the Berlin Government were no longer thinking about defeating the Russians but preserving their strength for negotiations with Russia, hoping for a dignified outcome.

This was the European custom: negotiate after losing in war, with land cessions and indemnities usually being the result, while the annihilation of a nation was rather rare.

The politicians were very aware of how strong the forces that did not want to see them fall were, and before long, it wouldn’t take much time for the great powers to intervene and mediate. As long as the main Prussian force still existed, they would have a chance to bargain.

It wasn’t just pressure from home; time on the battlefield was also running out for the Prussian Army as Russian reinforcements steadily approached.

A military staff officer briefed, "The current situation is very clear, the Ninth Russian Army is only a day’s march from Poznan. If we want to recapture the Poznan region, we must severely damage or wipe them out.

The total strength of the Ninth Russian Army is around two hundred thousand troops. It may not be difficult to defeat them, but to annihilate them is not something that can be done in a short time.

From the intelligence gathered by reconnaissance, the Ninth Russian Army is acting very cautiously, leaving no possibility for surprise attacks or ambushes.

Furthermore, behind them are the Russian Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies, which have now accelerated their pace and will arrive at the front within a half-month at most.

If we are to recapture Poznan, it must be done before the Russian reinforcements arrive. Without incurring significant casualties, it’s nearly impossible."

Prussian soldiers are humans too, even though they might be stronger in battle, they too can get tired and can die.

To swallow up four hundred thousand Russian troops, even if one could cut them off in two different places and accomplish the feat, would still result in heavy casualties.

Whether to suffer losses of one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand, no one could provide a definite answer.

In any case, if the Prussian Army suffered heavy losses in this battle, it would be difficult for them to handle the Russians that followed.

The Prusso-Russian war had been going on for some time and had a bit of a feel of the hegemonic struggle between Chu and Han, with Maoqi continually winning battles just like Xiang Yu had.

Regrettably, despite winning many battles, the number of enemies did not decrease but increased, while one’s own troops kept dwindling.

After a few more victories, Maoqi would have no more troops to use. Such a bizarre situation was truly baffling.

A middle-aged military officer countered, "This battle must be fought. If we just return in dejection, not only will the military’s morale be affected, but the Polish people in the Warsaw region might directly surrender to the Russians.

Now we need a victory to boost morale. We must show the people hope for winning, or else this war simply cannot continue."

It is most important for people to have hope; wars that are destined to fail are wars no one would want to continue.

Warsaw is the capital of the Kingdom of Poland. The Berlin Government could accept the fall of the Warsaw region, but not Polish surrender, which held too much political significance and equated to shaking the foundation of Prusso-Polish Federation’s rule.

Perhaps to the average person, since the war was bound to be lost and the territories destined to be relinquished, why bother? But politics certainly cannot operate this way. The Prusso-Russian war was ongoing, and Berlin needed Polish support to fight the Russians better.

In this context, the flag of the Prusso-Polish Federation could not be allowed to fall. If lost, that banner, the Berlin Government would lose its legal basis for ruling the Polish regions, and those willing to fight for them would significantly decrease.

The Berlin Government was willing to make an exception for the military to cut off the Warsaw region, mainly because the War Party’s influence within the army was stronger; they would not easily compromise with the Russians.

Maoqi waved his hand to stop the argument, "This battle is definitely to be fought, but selectively.

We don’t have time to play a war of attrition with the Eighth Russian Army holed up in the city. But the Ninth Russian Army that is practically on our doorstep, we must defeat.

Otherwise, once we retreat, they will join the Eighth Army inside the city, and along with the reinforcements on their heels, the Russian forces will swell to nearly eight hundred thousand. That threat is too great.

Although the nation has completed the mobilization, we still lack the time to reorganize our troops. By defeating the Ninth Russian Army and inflicting heavy damage on the enemy’s reinforcements, we can secure at least two more months."

On the battlefield, time is life, and two months could not restore the Prusso-Polish Federation to its peak period, but it would at least give us the power to make a final stand.

Unlike ordinary officers, Maoqi thought more deeply. Harsh reality told him that the outcome of a war is not determined solely by winning battles but by overall national strength as well.

Ivanov taught him a lesson through action; as long as a nation is powerful enough and has enough troops, it doesn’t fear losing battles.

Wars entail death, and lost battles can deplete an enemy’s strength, too. Being the first to win doesn’t mean victory; the last one standing is the true winner.

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...

On December 12, 1880, the London Government issued a peace appeal to Prussia and Russia, which was positively received by the Berlin Government but met with a rejection from the Tsarist Government.

The war had progressed to a point where it was no longer possible to simply stop at will. The Tsarist Government had paid a great price for this war and was finally seeing the first lights of victory, stopping now would raise the question: who would pay for the costs of war?

The Russians’ snub obviously angered the London Government, but before they could act, news of the fall of Warsaw arrived, clearing up the situation of the Prusso-Russian War.

After the withdrawal of the main Prussian Army, the situation in the Warsaw region became critical. Despite fierce resistance from the Polish, they could not make up for the gap in strength.

After resisting for a month, the Russians breached the defenses and entered the city, where street fighting was now taking place.

What followed did not matter much, as everyone knew that there was no turning back for Warsaw. Surrounding areas had fallen, reinforcements would not arrive in time, and the annihilation of the defending forces within the city was just a matter of time.

From the moment Warsaw was breached, it was tacitly acknowledged that the city had changed hands.

The fall of the Warsaw region also meant the fall of the Kingdom of Poland. With the main Prussian forces already withdrawn, the military impact was still within manageable limits, but the political impact was significant.

This indicated the complete disintegration of the once illustrious Prusso-Polish Federation; the remaining Kingdom of Prussia was no longer able to uphold its great power status, and the Russians would not give them the chance.

In the grand scheme of things, Maoqi’s performance in the Poznan region became insignificant, even though he had inflicted heavy damage on the Ninth Russian Army, it did nothing to change the overall sense of defeat on the battlefield.

...

In St. Petersburg, Alexander II was holding a victory banquet in the Winter Palace.

As the war progressed, both Prussia and Russia were weary, but the difference was that the Prusso-Polish Federation was on its last breath while the Russian Empire was just fatigued, able to hold on a bit longer.

This return to St. Petersburg was different for Ivanov; he received the grandest welcome from the Tsarist Government, and overnight it seemed that his popularity soared, attracting crowds to his doorstep.

Having no interest in these trivial matters and after resting at home for a night, Ivanov once again entered the Palace to report the next military plans to Alexander II.

...

Alexander II asked with some doubt, "Marshal, are you sure this is not an error, to not pursue our victory now but instead give the troops some rest?"

Ivanov answered affirmatively, "Your Majesty, the soldiers have been fighting intensely and are extremely worn out.

Especially the main forces, most of which have suffered heavy losses. To recover their combat strength, a period of rest is essential. Now that the enemy is severely wounded, it is the perfect time for us to rest our troops."

Alexander II questioned, "But isn’t providing the enemy a chance to breathe now only going to make the war more difficult later on?"

Ivanov explained, "This does not affect the ultimate victory. The Prusso-Federation was never an opponent for us, and the remaining Kingdom of Prussia even less so.

Up to now in this war, the soldiers of the Prusso-Federation have suffered more than three million casualties, with deaths totaling one million, half of whom were from the Kingdom of Prussia. n/ô/vel/b//in dot c//om

No matter what the Berlin Government thinks, they cannot continue the fight. The quality of the soldiers they are now mobilizing has drastically decreased. Even if they recover their numbers, their combat effectiveness will be greatly reduced.

There’s no need for us to keep taking risks. After resting the troops for a month and assembling an army of millions, our chances of victory will be much higher than they are now."

There’s a different weight to the words spoken by different people. Having retaken the Lithuanian and Polish regions, Ivanov’s reputation as a great general had taken root in people’s minds.

The only regret was that Ivanov’s command involved high consumption of resources, with every victory followed by massive consumption of materials and human casualties.

However, it was no big deal, having learned from the previous Prusso-Russian War, Alexander II was much more patient, and a steady leader like Ivanov was exactly what he favored.

After some hesitation, Alexander II made his decision, "Alright, let the troops rest for a month,

However, my marshal, the war needs to be concluded as soon as possible. The longer it drags on, the more likely complications will arise.

We have just refused the British mediation, and they are likely not to let the matter drop. If the great powers exert pressure together, the government will not be able to hold out for much longer.

Moreover, the finances of the government are in very poor shape. If this drags on too long, we are likely to go bankrupt."

It’s not a matter of ’might go bankrupt,’ it’s a certainty. The Berlin Government is also broke; getting any war reparations from them is impossible.

To finance this war, the Tsarist Government has already incurred enormous debts, with the interest payments alone being astronomical. The newly liberated Polish and Lithuanian regions would also require massive funds for reconstruction.

From the start, Alexander II had prepared for financial bankruptcy. He had been through it once before and did not mind going through it again.

The pity is that this time it’s different; most of the foreign debts have collateral, and direct default is not an option. Unless absolutely necessary, the Tsarist Government will not let the finances collapse.

Ivanov nodded awkwardly, genuinely at a loss for how to respond to this issue. Guaranteeing an early end to the war was impossible.

War is not child’s play—it can’t simply be ended early just because he says so. These are not promises that can be carelessly made; failing to do so could disastrously affect the government’s judgment.

One need only look at "Round and fat," who, with the myth of "defeating Liaoning within five years," duped the emperor, leading not only to his own downfall but also to the fate of the Ming Dynasty.

As for financial issues, when the government itself is at a loss, a military man like him is even more clueless. Aware of his limitations, Ivanov chose to ignore Alexander II’s expectant gaze.

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