Holy Roman Empire

On November 27, 1880, the Prussian Army arrived in the Poznan region. After a brief rest, they launched an attack against the Eighth Russian Army the next day.

Harassed by Russian cavalry and airships, it took the Prussian Army less than eight days to travel from Warsaw to Poznan, a feat that demonstrated the essence of speed in warfare.

Anyone with even a little military knowledge knows that the larger the troop numbers, the greater the coordination difficulty and the slower the march velocity.

The Prussian Army’s total strength amounted to 468,000. To complete an over 280-kilometer march in 8 days was a miracle in military history.

If organizational capacity was lacking, perhaps the frontline troops would have reached their destination while the rear was yet to set out.

After all, with so many people queuing up, one could form two lines from Poznan to Warsaw.

Without a doubt, the swift movements of the Prussian Army exceeded the Russians’ estimates. Even the closer Ninth Army had not arrived, and the enemy had already reached the scene first.

Despite the valiant resistance of the Eighth Russian Army, it was to no avail. Not to mention stopping the Prussian Army from returning west, keeping Poznan itself was problematic.

...

At Russian Army Command, Ivanov sighed helplessly while looking at the telegram plea for help in his hands.

"Order the Eighth Army to hold Poznan and await reinforcements, command the Ninth Army to speed up its march to reinforce the Eighth as soon as possible," he said.

Staff officer Julian Bennett reminded him, "Marshal, the Prussian main force arrived in the Poznan region two days ago, and now Warsaw City may already be encircled.

It is difficult for the Ninth Army to immediately join forces with the Eighth Army inside the city; instead, they might be targeted by the enemy for attack while in transit.

The Eighth Army has the city to defend, and it can hold out for ten days to half a month without trouble. It would be better for the Ninth Army to join with the Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies before moving out to reinforce." n/ô/vel/b//jn dot c//om

Militarily, Julian Bennett’s concerns were very valid. In a field battle, a lone Ninth Army certainly could not match the enemy’s main force.

If an encounter battle were to take place, at best they would suffer heavy losses, and at worst, they would be completely annihilated. Without the Ninth Army, just the two second-line armies following would not be a match for the enemy.

Ivanov scoffed and said, "There is no need. If Maoqi has such a big appetite, what harm does it do to give them the Ninth Army?

"The Eighth Army’s total force amounts to 216,000, and the Ninth Army, 187,000. Together they exceed 400,000, not so easily swallowed.

"If we can’t achieve a quick decision, our Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies will have reached the battlefield. Even if Maoqi is victorious, how much of their force would remain afterwards?

"Exhausting their main troops, and then trying to recover, is not something done overnight, and we won’t give them the time.

"Now, this force in Maoqi’s hands is the very essence of the Prussian Army. If they are willing to exchange it, then why should we be stingy?"

The Berlin Government had already begun full mobilization. The main reason newly formed units could not achieve combat effectiveness was the lack of officers and the small number of veterans.

This elite force in Maoqi’s hands became especially critical. With this force present to lead the new soldiers, the Prussian Army still had a chance for one last surge of strength.

Of course, surging was not easy. The Prussian Army lacked sufficient time, and Ivanov was not going to give them a chance to catch their breath.

The war had progressed to this point where losses were no longer significant. Opening a map, one could see that the Prusso Federation had already forfeited 55% of its territory, 40% of its population, half of its food production capacity, and a third of its industry.

This was only the beginning. With the fires of war already reaching the heartlands of the Kingdom of Prussia, once the Warsaw region fell, the Prusso Federation would be reduced to a third of its former size.

No matter how splendidly the Prussian Army performed on the battlefield, they could not overcome the gap in national strength, and their lack of reserves was increasingly evident.

...

The Russian Army’s setback in the Poznan region did not mean it was also losing on other fronts.

In the Baltic Sea region, Russians held naval superiority, and, moving by sea and land, they heavily pounded the Prussian Army, seizing about a quarter of East Prussia.

In the Warsaw region, the balance of power shifted after the withdrawal of the Prussian main force. Though they had not yet broken through Warsaw City, they were close.

It wasn’t that the Poles defending Warsaw weren’t fighting hard, but the Russians were too cunning, driving large numbers of refugees into the city and increasing the pressure on the defenders.

The Tenth Russian Army, tasked with the surprise attack on Berlin, was now less than eighty kilometers away from the capital. Of course, this distance might be the limit, and advancing further was not something the Tenth Army could achieve.

From a military standpoint, the raid by the Tenth Russian Army had obviously failed, having no element of surprise and being detected by the enemy early on.

Politically, however, it was a different story. The presence of the Tenth Army near Berlin had a disastrous impact on the Prusso Federation, with more and more people becoming pessimistic about the war.

If it weren’t for the deep-seated hatred towards the Russians and the fact that too much had been staked on this war with no way out, perhaps the Berlin Government would have already compromised with the Russians.

In London, once it was confirmed that the Prusso Federation’s situation was beyond salvage, the Benjamin Cabinet began considering how to cut losses in time and minimize Britain’s damage.

Finance Minister Garfield: "After our investigation and data analysis, the most optimistic estimate is that once the Prusso-Polish Federation is defeated, we will lose at least 300 million pounds in wealth.

And all the Federation’s overseas assets combined may not even amount to 150 million pounds, including the final deposits in the Berlin Government’s accounts and the gold mortgaged to us.

Most of these overseas assets are located in Austro-Africa and are in private names; we can’t even freeze them if we wanted to."

Without a doubt, it’s already very difficult to mitigate the losses. The Federation’s financial base is too weak—many of the collaterals are predicated on the assumption of winning the war before they can be realized.

Theoretically, immediately freezing the Berlin Government’s bank accounts in Britain, seizing their mortgaged gold, and foreign assets could minimize our losses.

In reality, it’s not possible to take such action. As the world’s dominant power, Britain also has a reputation to maintain. Kicking someone when they’re down at this time, how would that make the other subordinates feel?

Though Britain is strong, it’s not yet in a position where it can do without its subordinates.

It is now the era of England, France, and Austria; no one can dominate alone. In a context where the three great powers do not support direct confrontation, whoever can rally more subordinates gains the advantage in international politics.

Foreign Minister Edward: "We can forget about freezing assets, including the gold mortgaged to us by the Berlin Government. We can’t touch it, at least not until the Prusso-Polish Federation is finished.

The most pressing matter is to figure out a way to preserve the Federation, or at least the Kingdom of Prussia.

We need to set an example to show the world that even if they fail while cooperating with Britain, we still have the power to protect them."

In some respects, the Prussian-Russian war is a continuation of the conflicts among England, France, and Austria, with the three countries using the war for political maneuvering. However, the French withdrew midway, turning it into a match between England and Austria.

Great power competition isn’t an overnight affair; what’s lost today can be won back tomorrow. If one were to stab subordinates in the back just because they’ve suffered losses in the struggle, who would dare cooperate with them?

Finance Minister Garfield nodded: "Of course, that’s essential. Only if the debtor exists can we possibly recover our investment.

The current Berlin Government is too impoverished; even if we were to freeze all their assets, it wouldn’t cover our losses.

The problem is, can we really save them? The Russians have the upper hand now, and I don’t think the Tsarist Government will let go of this great enemy just for the sake of our face."

How much is Britain’s face worth? This is a question without a definitive answer, varying from region to region and country to country.

From the moment the London Government supported the Prusso-Polish Federation, their influence ceased to carry weight in the Russian Empire. When their own interests were harmed, the Tsarist Government couldn’t care less about any British threats.

Foreign Minister Edward: "The Russians have no choice but to agree. No country wants to see Russian influence penetrate deeply into the Central European region, including Austria who backed them.

If the Russians swallow up the Federation, how can Austria’s dream of a Central European Empire be realized? The Vienna Government’s bottom line should be making the Tsarist Government withdraw from the Poland-Lithuania region.

The only concern is that Russia and Austria might have a secret deal to partition the Federation. This is a strong suit for the Vienna Government, and nobody knows how many secret treaties they’ve concluded over the years."

"Austria’s secret treaties" are also a hot topic in Europe, with widespread speculation about Russian-Austrian, Franco-Austrian, Anglo-Austrian, Spanish-Austrian, Dutch-Austrian… as well as treaties with the states of the German Confederation.

Without a doubt, many of these so-called "secret treaties" are baseless rumors. Most are simply ordinary treaties that were temporarily kept secret due to political needs and were touted as "secret treaties" once the word got out.

The Vienna Government has never provided explanations since these matters only become murkier the more they are discussed. Many, even after the content of the treaties is exposed, still have a large number of people who refuse to believe.

The waters only get muddier, the mix of truths and falsehoods makes it even harder for outsiders to distinguish the reality.

It’s certain that a Russian-Austrian secret treaty exists; the mere public agreements are not enough to justify the Vienna Government’s heavy investment in support of the Tsarist Government; the London Government just isn’t privy to the specifics.

Prime Minister Benjamin: "That’s not a problem, Austria isn’t ready just yet. They don’t have the confidence to swallow up the Federation at this time, let alone the Kingdom of Prussia.

I’ve studied Franz; he places great importance on personal reputation. Even if he wishes to annex the Kingdom of Prussia, he wouldn’t choose to cooperate with the Russians at this time.

The most pressing issue is to get the support of France; we can’t delay any longer. I have a bad feeling, a sense that something big is about to happen in Europe."

Foreign Minister Edward laughed: "Prime Minister, you’re really humorous! The European Continent is already in big trouble, the political landscape of Europe will be reshuffled after the Prusso-Russian war. In the future, France, Austria, and Russia will stand as equals.

Although we failed this time in supporting the Prusso-Polish Federation, the situation on the Continent is still favorable.

The Russians may have won the war, adding another competitor to the European Continent. The days ahead for the Vienna Government are unlikely to be pleasant."

Finance Minister Garfield: "Sir, you’re too optimistic. Russo-Austrian relations are still in good standing, and there is no chance of a fallout in the short term.

The Prussian-Russian War has brought substantial losses to the Russians. For a long time to come, the Tsarist Government will need to recuperate and won’t advance westward.

Instead, we’re the ones who are about to have trouble. Having dealt with the Prusso-Polish Federation, the Russians are likely to target the Central Asian region next."

In this dog-eat-dog age, it’s only normal to pick on the weak.

The severely weakened Russian Empire, powerless to contend with Austria, would have no problem bullying a few Khanates in Central Asia.