Holy Roman Empire

Compared to Austria’s composed response, the Berlin Government was anxious and agitated.

The Prusso Federation’s sign was still there, the refugees were all citizens of the Prusso Federation, and now stopping their own nationals from entering clearly didn’t seem justifiable.

But not intercepting them also posed a problem, with millions of refugees flooding in, there certainly were no jobs available, and the Berlin Government, even if it exerted its utmost effort, would not be able to accommodate them.

Job placement could be delayed, and housing issues were manageable, a mere makeshift tent could serve as shelter for an entire family, and as refugees, they had no right to be choosy, but they had to be fed, right? Read exclusive content at empire

Hunger cannot be faked, with millions of mouths to feed, once let in, the Berlin Government must figure out a way to satisfy their hunger.

Without a doubt, this was a bottomless pit. Perhaps the Russians wouldn’t even need to attack; the refugees alone could eat the Kingdom of Prussia into collapse.

Since the start of the Second Prusso-Russian War, Wilhelm I’s physical condition had rapidly deteriorated, with the unfavorable news from the battlefield nearly suffocating the aged King.

Time spares no one, the years had eroded Wilhelm I’s youthful ambition, now he only wished for a safe landing. However, that had become a luxury.

The unique system of the Kingdom of Prussia dictated that once the war chariot was set in motion, it could not be stopped. Anyone who tried to halt its advance would be crushed to dust.

This war chariot, with no brakes, could only stop when the horses tired. As a coachman, Wilhelm I could only adjust the direction of the chariot, picking as spacious a road as possible.

Dragging his weary body, Wilhelm I asked with concern, "What stance do the European countries hold?"

Undoubtedly, with millions of refugees, the crisis had surpassed the Kingdom of Prussia’s limit to cope. Incapable of solving the refugee crisis on its own, the Berlin Government had no choice but to appeal to the international community.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman answered grimly, "The situation is very bad. European countries have condemned Russia’s atrocities, yet few have taken any practical action.

Currently, the main substantial aid comes from the states within the German Region.

Austria has promised to provide us with materials worth 5 million marks and 20,000 tons of food for relief within a month, while the other German Confederation states combined offer approximately 30 million marks worth of aid.

Our previous negotiations with the Anglo-Germans have also taken a turn; the London Government’s stance has changed again, now leaning more towards Hanover.

If we want to obtain more of their support, we must establish North Germany in conjunction with Hanover, and even sell some territory to Hanover to obtain funds to pay off debts."

Wilhelm I did not have the luxury of feeling relieved that in a crisis, his own people were reliable, as he was shocked by the subsequent conditions; they had blatantly taken advantage of them.

Establishing North Germany was acceptable, although having Hanover in the lead was somewhat hard to swallow. The sale of territory was life-threatening.

The enormous debt owed by the Prusso Federation would fall upon the Berlin Government. To alleviate the debt crisis, the land required for sale was certainly significant.

To gain dominance in North Germany, Hanover would weaken the Kingdom of Prussia as much as possible, a harsh slashing was inevitable.

Frankly, if these sacrifices could ensure a safe passage through the current crisis, Wilhelm I wouldn’t mind compromising with Hanover.

The problem was, Prussia was not his alone to decide. The conditions offered by Hanover had already crossed the Junker aristocracy’s red line, and they would not possibly accept this.

This was somewhat similar to the Late Ming Dynasty’s Donglin Party. Knowing full well that without taxes the Ming Dynasty would be doomed, yet as beneficiaries, they would suffer too, yet they refused to back down even slightly.

After the Ming Dynasty fell, they soon realized that the new masters were hard to serve, and by then it was too late. Under the blade, these people quickly chose to compromise.

The situation was much the same for the current Junker aristocracy. They were open to a ceasefire, but only if their interests were first guaranteed.

However, the reality was impossible to comply with. No one was willing to pay such an extravagant price.

Things had come to a stalemate here, the Berlin Government dared not take action to manage the aftermath. Because those who initiated the wake-up call usually end up with dire consequences.

Wilhelm I asked, "What do you think?"

The room fell silent; nobody picked up the topic, not because they didn’t know how to respond, but because they dared not.

Politics are cruel, and too often, a single misstep in word could lead to severe punishment, especially at this sensitive juncture where one might be labeled a traitor for inciting the wrong ideas.

Seeing no reply, Wilhelm I sighed, "Today’s meeting will be strictly confidential, known only to us present. Once you leave, you can completely deny having said anything. Be as bold as you wish with your thoughts!"

There was no choice; this was the tragedy of "****ism." Especially after the first Prusso-Russian War, the Junker aristocracy’s influence grew stronger, and the Berlin Government could not escape their sway. n/ô/vel/b//jn dot c//om

It’s worth noting that all the cabinet members present were of the Junker aristocracy, theoretically representing group interests.

However, thanks to Wilhelm I’s political manoeuvrings and their divergent interests, the Junker aristocracy had also become fragmented.

At this point, apart from the radical faction within the military still hoping to turn defeat into victory, others realized the Prusso Federation was finished. Unless they acted to save themselves, the Kingdom of Prussia would be doomed.

In times of great disaster, officials look to secure their interests first. Of course, patriotic integrity existed, but for most politicians, it followed personal gains.

Feeling his scalp tingle under Wilhelm I’s intense gaze, Prime Minister Melanie Griffiths answered anxiously, "Your Majesty, at this point, no matter how outrageous the conditions may be, we must negotiate."

"It’s not surprising that the British are leaning towards Hanover; if they want to support a pawn, they would surely choose the one that is easiest to control. Compared to us, North Germany under Hanover’s control would be far more dependent on them."

"Additionally, the debt is a crucial factor. Our financial revenue is bound to drop significantly post-war, and over the next five years, our revenue might not even surpass the interest payments."

"The British want their debts repaid, and the prerequisite is that we have money in our pockets first, so it’s not surprising they’re pressing us to sell land."

"However, our debts are too large; even if we sell off all remaining territories after being harshly exploited by the Russians, we still might not be able to clear our debts."

"If the British want us to continue paying off the debt, they must leave us with enough capital."

"Moreover, Hanover has limited capacity; they also can’t take on too much. From this perspective, the price we have to pay should not be too high."

"If their terms are too excessive, we can consider initiating contact with the Austrians. Although the Vienna Government might not welcome us now, if we present ourselves, they certainly will not be able to refuse."

Prime Minister Melanie Griffiths was a compromise from all sides, usually inconspicuous like an eraser. But achieving the position of Prime Minister couldn’t be as simple as it seemed on the surface.

This answer brightened Wilhelm I’s eyes. It was not that he couldn’t think of these issues, but due to his advanced age, he did not have the energy to delve deeply into them.

Indeed, the Berlin Government still had options, and though both paths were difficult, having choices was better than having none. With more options, one had more bargaining power.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman shook his head, "As for Austria, there’s no need to entertain the idea; at most, we make a gesture of contact to negotiate a bargain with Hanover, but the military would never agree."

Joining the Shinra Empire led by Austria, it wasn’t the government but the military that would suffer the most. The Vienna Government generally does not interfere with the localities, but the army must remain firmly in their hands.

We only need to look at the other states to see that after the Central Government took over the State Army and was responsible for military expenditures, the government’s armed forces were reduced to police and militias.

Of course, the absence of government troops does not mean the king lacks troops. In addition to the direct Palace Guard, the troops stationed in the regions also accept commands from the Kings of the states.

This easy transfer of military command to the Vienna Government only stripped the Sub-States of their military command authority; the power of the Kings remained untouched.

From the perspective of the Kings, it was actually a strengthening of royal authority. Having troops made one’s words carry more weight, and the military budget was allocated by the Central Government, making it difficult for the Sub-State governments to exert influence financially.

That said, difficult didn’t mean impossible; if the Sub-State governments were willing to pay, they could still maintain a certain level of influence.

However, no Sub-State government was willing to do so. No matter how they expanded the army, command rights remained with the King and the Emperor—they couldn’t get a word in edgewise.

And they weren’t preparing to rebel; why maintain influence over the army?

Fundamentally, the political structure of the New Roman Empire was something the Emperor and Kings of the states had built together—its core was to safeguard their own power.

Wilhelm I didn’t mind, but the Prussian Military was not willing! In other states, it was the government that suffered, losing control over the military; Prussia was the complete opposite, with the military losing control over the government.

Should a merger happen, the first thing the Berlin Government would likely do is cut military funding and perform massive troop reductions.

If the conditions allowed, they might even apply to the Central Government to disband the military—a feat the politicians were capable of.

There was precedence; the Liechtenstein Teritory disbanded its military after joining Shinra. Don’t ask why; they simply didn’t want it anymore.

Finance Minister Gorman laughed, "It’s not entirely impossible if the military faces a crushing defeat on the battlefield, then they will lose their capital to object.

Looking at the current scenario, the likelihood of this happening is quite high. The only trouble is, if the army suffers heavy losses, we lose our bargaining power with the Russians."

Politics is cruel, and class interests are not the same as personal interests. After a defeat, the Junker aristocracy would be hard hit, but for politicians, it presents an opportunity to seize power.

If not for the concern of losing bargaining power with the Russians after a defeat, no one present would care about heavy losses to the military.

Wilhelm I’s heart was also deeply conflicted; on one hand, he hoped the army could win a few battles to gain bargaining power with the Russians and end the war with dignity.

On the other hand, he wanted to use the war to strike at the military’s influence, allowing the government to take the lead in decision-making, end the war quickly, overcome the current crisis, and preserve his throne.

After a moment’s hesitation, Wilhelm I made a decision, "Let’s initiate contact with both parties for now and decide later based on the battlefield situation.

Austria has already established itself; the Vienna Government is not keen to wade into these murky waters, so it’s unlikely they will offer any substantial results. If it comes to it, we’ll simply cling to them regardless.

Our current focus should still be on negotiating with Hanover to determine the extent of the British support for them, as this will affect our future position within Germany Region."

This response was not unexpected; the Prussian Military was simply too dominant, and even the King lacked the power to openly resist them.

Unless the Prussian Army suffered a resounding defeat and the Russians occupied Berlin, the government had to consider the military’s interests in decision-making.