Holy Roman Empire

Berlin Palace had just concluded a celebration banquet, and Marshal Mochi, the focal point of the event, was specially kept behind by Wilhelm I.

As the guests dispersed, the joy on Wilhelm I’s face also vanished. It was evident that the nonchalance and confidence he had exhibited earlier were feigned.

As the King of the Prusso-Polish Federation, Wilhelm I was more aware of the current crisis than anyone. The Battle of Warsaw was merely a tactical victory and had not changed the unfavorable situation on the battlefield.

However, the people needed confidence and a sense of victory. In order to stabilize public sentiment, this self-deceptive celebration was staged.

Wilhelm I asked with concern, "Marshal, when can the Battle of Warsaw be brought to an end?"

"I don’t know!"

These three ordinary words seemed particularly heavy in this context. It was as if Marshal Mochi had exhausted all his strength to say them, and his expression instantly became gloomy.

This was the truth. When the Battle of Warsaw would end was no longer up to the Prusso Federation. The power to decide had long shifted to the Russians.

After a pause, Wilhelm I pressed, with a heavier tone, "What if I insist on having a time frame?"

Mochi shook his head, "Your Majesty, this is not something I can decide! To end the Battle of Warsaw, it depends on whether the Russians agree.

The Fourth and Fifth Russian Armies are decimated, but their Seventh Army still maintains a certain fighting capacity. The Third and Sixth Armies are en route and will soon reach the front.

This is just the beginning. As far as I am aware, the Russians have seven newly raised armies. The enemy can deploy at least four of them to the Warsaw front.

Even if they are mere cannon fodder, we cannot defeat them quickly. Besides, the enemy is in no hurry to engage in a decisive battle, which makes it even more difficult for us to launch an offensive.

Militarily speaking, the enemy has penetrated deep into our territory, and the Warsaw region has lost its strategic value to be defended.

If it’s feasible, I suggest we abandon the Warsaw region for now, concentrate our forces towards resolving the crises in the north and south, and focus on the defense of the Kingdom of Prussia."

Seeing Wilhelm I remain silent for a long time, Mochi knew he was hesitant and hence added, "By falling back to defend the Kingdom of Prussia, we can not only overcome our strategic passiveness but also exploit German nationalism to influence the decisions of the Vienna Government.

The Austrians’ support for the Russians is not without limits. If they perceive that the Tsarist Government intends to annex German territories, the situation is bound to change.

Without Austrian support, the Tsarist Government won’t last long. Once they run out of money, the war will also come to an end.

If things go well, we might even have a chance to encircle and destroy the main Russian forces in Prussian territory and recapture our lost land."

On the surface, Austria supported the Russians to eliminate the competition posed by the Prusso-Polish Federation and clear internal obstacles to the unification of German territories.

The moment the Russians show interest in German territories, a Russian-Austrian fallout could happen in minutes. Even if the governments could maintain the big picture, nationalists would stir up strife.

Wilhelm I shook his head, "That’s the worst-case scenario. Giving up Polish territories is easy, but reclaiming them will be difficult.

You have personally experienced Ivanov’s style of command, what do you think are the chances of him being tricked?

If the Russians continue their steady approach, we won’t last long. We might not even last until the Tsarist Government runs out of money before we exhaust ourselves.

Moreover, do you really believe that Russia and Austria will turn against each other soon? Alexander II isn’t foolish; no matter how much he covets the territories of Germany, he wouldn’t show it now.

If I were in Alexander II’s position, I would give up all Prussian territories in Germany to Austria to settle debts in exchange for the Vienna Government’s full support.

Maintaining good Russian-Austrian relations and recovering strength behind Austria’s back after the war, while observing the changing situation in Europe and waiting for the next European upheaval."

Sowing discord between Russia and Austria isn’t realistic, but seeking support from other countries is somewhat possible, at least enough to persuade the British to increase their investment.

It’s a pity that Denmark has leaned towards the Russians, otherwise renting the Royal Navy to launch a surprise attack on St. Petersburg would have been a brilliant move."

The Berlin Government has deeply studied Russian-Austrian relations, concluding that a fallout between them is inevitable, but not now—it will happen during the future struggle for European supremacy.

The Prusso-Russian war hasn’t even ended yet, and no matter how obstinate the Tsarist Government is, they cannot immediately join the struggle for European dominance.

This means that Russian-Austrian contradictions have erupted and there is still a long way to go. In the short term, the Prusso-Polish Federation will remain the primary target of the Russians.

Indeed, there was another reason Wilhelm I had not voiced, which was that he was now not only the King of the Kingdom of Prussia but also the King of the Kingdom of Poland.

Once he abandoned the Polish Region, it would be impossible for him to gain recognition from the Polish people in the future.

Politics is cruel. If there was no chance to turn the tables, that would be the end of it, and the situation couldn’t get worse; but if the Prussian Army turned the tide on the battlefield and reclaimed the lost territory, his role as the Polish King who abandoned the Polish Region would be over.

When the time came to rebuild the Prusso-Polish Federation and ease Prusso-Polish relations, he as the king would have to take responsibility. Abdication would be the best outcome, and worse yet, he might face an untimely demise.

In the face of interests, nothing is impossible. As the war has continued, Wilhelm I’s control over the nation has essentially dwindled to its lowest point.

In this context, abandoning the Warsaw region was acceptable, but the order could not be given by him; someone else had to be found to take the blame.

Was there anyone more suitable than Maoqi at this point?

It made complete logical sense for the front-line commander to order the abandonment of Poland in order to win the war.

As for Maoqi, he was bound to face censure after the war, even to the point of utter disgrace. Wilhelm I, for that matter, would probably prefer Maoqi’s reputation to turn even sourer, as no Emperor likes his subjects to overshadow him.

If it hadn’t been for hinting at Maoqi to take the fall, Wilhelm I would never have made those ambiguous statements, and that final complaint would have been superfluous.

The plan to launch a surprise attack on St. Petersburg was not abandoned because the Danish people sided with the Tsarist Government; the critical point was the British failing to deliver.

The London Government was not willing to make such an expenditure, and there were many reasons involved.

Domestically: opposition from the Opposition party; internationally: France and Austria hoped the British would abide by the rules of the game, while The Nordic Federation did not wish to see British influence stretch to the Baltic Sea.

If it were for the sake of guarding Britannia’s own interests, the London Government could stand firm. However, the problem was that they were now asked to pay such a high price for the interest of the Prusso-Polish Federation, naturally, they were reluctant.

No matter how much debt there was, it was of no use; the financial consortium could influence politics, but that did not mean they could make decisions on behalf of the government. In this day and age, it was not yet the turn of the capitalists to call the shots.

After pondering for a moment, Maoqi smiled wryly and said, "I know what to do."

Having said that, Maoqi immediately turned and left the Palace, not even bothering with the ceremonial farewell.

From the beginning to the end, Wilhelm I did not utter a word to stop him. The rift had widened, an unavoidable matter; since Roon’s death, the relationship between Wilhelm I and Maoqi had taken a gap.

Without a lubricant, the conflict between the Prusso-Polish Federation government and the military had intensified. Wilhelm I’s intention to play political balance by supporting the weaker government to counter the military was inevitable.

As the head of the military, Maoqi naturally became the forefront of the conflict. With multiple clashes occurring, deterioration of the relationship was inevitable.

Wilhelm I now making Maoqi take the blame was not just about the situational needs but also a continuation of political struggle.

Otherwise, the government could have taken the blame just as well; however, the Berlin Government was already weak. If they took this blame as well, they would be even less able to counter the military.

After the unamicable meeting, Maoqi took the night train to hurry back to the front. On the surface, it looked like an urgent matter at the front, in reality, it was also a silent protest.

Who else but him could carry this pot of blame? It was not easy being the head of the military; one must consider the overall interests of the armed forces.

The Army’s authority is built on victory. The Prusso-Polish Federation is a state possessed by the military. If the war were lost, it would be the Junker aristocracy, leading the military, who would suffer the most devastating losses.

Purely from a military standpoint, retreating to the safety of the Prussian Kingdom offered a glimmer of hope. For this reason alone, Maoqi had to go through with it. Nôv(el)B\\jnn

Offend the Polish people, and he would still be a high-ranking Marshal. At most, he would be criticized a few times; after all, reputation could not be used as food. But if he lost the war, he would be nothing.

Acting out of anger was out of the question. If he were to act on impulse now, refusing to retreat and stubbornly defending Warsaw, it wouldn’t just be acting on a whim but gambling with his life.

The phrase "national traitor" is not the exclusive property of the Japanese. In fact, the Kingdom of Prussia was the progenitor, just not as diabolically extreme.

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