Holy Roman Empire

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The fact proved that the tactic most suited to oneself is the best tactic.

Marshal Ivanov’s use of troops was utterly conventional, building strong forts and engaging in sluggish battles, with nearly no bright spots to be found. He would rather watch opportunities slip away than take a military risk.

Faced with such a conservative foe, even Maoqi, hailed as Prussia’s \\"God of War,\\" was impotent.

As the front-line situation didn’t unfold according to the planned script, the Berlin Government faced mounting pressure, with incessant criticism emerging.

Some of the old guard openly criticized Maoqi’s command abilities, demanding that he take responsibility for the defeat at Smolensk, as if changing the commander would enable the Prussian Army to reverse the situation.

Fortunately, Wilhelm I didn’t have soft ears and firmly supported Marshal Maoqi; otherwise, the Prussian Army would have had to change its leaders.

In terms of tactics alone, the Prussian Army had won more than it lost, their record was quite impressive.

Regrettably, behind the victories lay grievous casualties. The war potentials of Prussia and Russia were completely different, with the Tsarist Government able to bear three times the manpower loss than the Berlin Government could.

The Prusso Federation might seem to have a population of over thirty million, but its real fighting force still consisted of the army formed by the people from the core regions of Prussia.

While residents of the Polish Region also supported the war, the region’s ethnic composition was very complex, with numerous minorities and internal strife not necessarily lesser than external conflicts.

The Dual empire was not so easily integrated. The establishment of the Prusso Federation was so recent that the Berlin Government hadn’t had time to sort out internal conflicts, let alone standardize language and script.

Issues that the government hadn’t been able to solve inevitably seeped into the military. Similar to the historical Austro-Hungarian Empire, it was a great test of command and coordination.

When a single troop fights, its combat strength is 10, but the strength of two units fighting together is not 20 but becomes 20*90%*90% = 16.2; and so on, the power of three units cooperating drops to 21.87. The more armies work together, the faster the combat strength declines.

That Maoqi, fighting with such pig-headed allies, could achieve the current military results was already quite impressive. Had anyone else been in his place, they likely would have made a mess of things.

In the Berlin Palace, a meeting concerning the future of the Prusso Federation was currently underway.

\\"To expand the armed forces, or not?\\"

Since the outbreak of the war, the Prusso Federation had been expanding its forces continually, from an initial 416,000 to the current 1.668 million.

The expansion under discussion now was not the routine monthly increase of hundreds of thousands of troops but rather \\"whether or not to mobilize to the limit immediately.\\"

There was no choice; in such large-scale warfare, there were never enough soldiers.

Not all of the expanded forces could be deployed to the battlefield; most of the new recruits required essential military training.

After training, it didn’t mean all these soldiers could then enter the battlefield. Logistics needed to be maintained, coastal areas required troop defense, and marauding Cossack cavalry also needed forces to suppress them.

Moreover, a significant proportion of the troops would be replenished into units that had suffered heavy losses to ensure the main force’s combat effectiveness.

Of the Prusso Federation’s 1.668 million troops, barely half could be committed to the front lines. This ratio was already very high, sufficient to prove the organizational capacity of the Berlin Government.

Insufficient troops naturally led to disadvantages on the battlefield. Although Ivanov was conservative in the use of troops, he didn’t lack the ruthlessness of \\"a general succeeds at the cost of thousands\\" and played the attrition game wildly.

The attrition war was underpinned by the Russian Empire’s total forces approaching the 3 million mark. Even if the Russian Army suffered unfavorable exchange rates on the battlefield, their numerical advantage gave them the strategic upper hand.

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Maoqi: "I oppose mobilizing to the limit at this moment. War isn’t just about having more people; in a competition of manpower, we can never match the Russians.

The unfavorable situation on the battlefield is only temporary. It may look like the Russians have the advantage, but behind that advantage, Ivanov faces increasing political pressure.

Victory is most likely to lead to losing one’s way. According to Ivanov’s tactics, even if the Russians win the war, they will be greatly weakened.

Having paid the cost of millions of casualties, they would gain nothing but scorched earth and heavy debts. I’ve heard that the Tsarist Government has mortgaged most of Ukraine and the Russian Balkans to Austria.

Given the current strength of the Russian Empire, if they don’t wish to cede these regions to Austria, they must find a way to pay off their debts.

Ivanov’s tactics may seem prudent, but in reality, he’s working for the Austrians. If the Tsarist Government cannot repay the debts post-war, they will inevitably have to cede a large amount of territory as payment; I don’t believe the Tsarist Government would accept that.

Just a few more victories, and as soon as it seems the situation is set, the Tsarist Government will compel Ivanov to come out and fight us decisively, or else replace him."

The government advocated for an expansion of the armed forces, yet the military’s top brass opposed it. Such an odd occurrence was rare in world history, yet now it was happening.

Maoqi was well aware that his decision would displease many military officers, as expanding the forces was everyone’s best chance for promotion.

But there was no alternative; the war was fierce, and the Prussian Army suffered casualties ranging from tens of thousands to over a hundred thousand each month.

Mobilizing to the limit might seem to resolve the issue of insufficient troops, but in reality, it was far from the truth. The manpower of the Prusso Federation was limited, and mobilizing to the limit was just depleting future mobilization potential.

We are already luring the enemy deep into our territory. If we muster a large army and keep it idle at home, how could the Tsarist Government possibly let down its guard?

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Never let our guard down. Let Ivanov keep commanding, and both sides will continue to drain each other, the Prusso Federation will be the first to crack.

Besides, newly formed troops can’t build combat effectiveness in the short term. They can’t even initiate a decisive battle if they wanted to. Beyond increasing consumption, they aren’t of much help to the situation.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman, "Marshal, I admit that you make a lot of sense, but let’s not forget the international powers at play.

Our negotiations with the London Government have already borne some fruit. They’ve made their move diplomatically, and the threat from the Nordic Federation no longer exists.

If we mobilize three million troops, the Tsarist Government will have to mobilize even more to maintain their advantage in numbers.

So how many more troops will they need to mobilize? Five million, or six million?

Armies are gold-guzzling beasts. We have the financial support of England and France, and can hold out for another year without a problem. How long can the Tsarist Government last?

I don’t think Austria will support Russia indefinitely. They’ve already invested enough and will inevitably consider the issue of recouping their costs.

The Foreign Ministry has already extended an olive branch to the Vienna Government. We’ve made major concessions; we no longer seek the territory pledged to them by Russia, and we support their acquisition of Istanbul.

Of course, this may not sway them, but it’s enough to stabilize Austria. As soon as the Vienna Government wavers, the Tsarist Government will lack the funds to maintain their troop advantage.

Without their advantage in numbers, I believe, Marshal, that you have plenty of ways to defeat them. That’s far less risky than waiting for the enemy to make mistakes."

Behind the seemingly calm facade was a power struggle. If the government followed through with the expansion of the army and choked the Russians financially, then the government, not the military, would lead this war.

A closer analysis reveals the shadow of the British. The sudden intervention of the London Government presented the Berlin Government with an opportunity to seize control.

Marshal Maoqi roared, "Madman! Geoffrey, you’re truly mad!

To pin our hopes on the British. Do you really think that they will support us indefinitely?

Stabilize Austria?

Ah, God!

Geoffrey, you really dare to dream!

To meddle in Anglo-Austrian gaming and expect to play them at our whim—do you not think we have enough troubles?"

It was not that Maoqi was pessimistic; it was just that Friedman’s plan was too idealistic. It all depended on England and Austria following his script.

If the British stop providing loans or if the Vienna Government continues to lend to the Tsarist Government due to Anglo-Austrian gaming, it could spell disaster for the Prusso Federation.

Nations are not the same. The financial strength of England and Austria is not something Prussia and Russia can compare with. If the stakes are high enough, spending a few billion on a proxy war is not impossible.

Geoffrey Friedman sneered, "Marshal, you worry too much, the risk is not as great as you imagine.

If you knew how much we owe the British, you’d understand why the London Government supports us.

The principal alone amounts to 210 million pounds, and that’s just the loans and bonds. We owe British businesses another 140 million in unpaid goods, and this number is growing by 600,000 pounds every day.

With interest, we need to pay the British nearly 600 million pounds in debt. If the creditors don’t want to lose everything, they’ll find a way to make the London Government support us."

This explanation left Maoqi dumbfounded. He could never have dreamed that the Berlin Government would accumulate such massive debt, nor that being in debt could have such benefits.

Of course, these benefits were only temporary. When it came time to repay, it would be their turn to cry.

After pausing to calm his emotions, Maoqi asked, "What about Austria? Don’t tell me we also owe them a huge debt."

Geoffrey Friedman smirked slightly, "Of course not. Austrian bankers weren’t optimistic about us, they lent their money to the Russians.

With no debt obligations, but we can engage in beneficial exchanges. In international politics, as long as the incentive is great enough, enemies and friends can change."

Friedman’s confidence didn’t shake Maoqi again, he only shook his head, "Your Excellency, it’s time to wake up from your dream.

In theory, we could indeed transact with Austria after pulling out of the German Federation, supporting their annexation of the German Federation in exchange for their neutrality in this war.

But do you think we have a choice? Would the British agree? Would the French agree?"

This is the aftereffect of excessive debt. The British don’t give money for nothing. There are countries that take money without doing anything, but the Prusso Federation is not one of them. Find exclusive stories on empire

The London Government now is willing to support the Prusso Federation, not just to strike at the Russians, but also to limit Austria and prevent unification in the Germany Region.

If they find out that the Berlin Government is willing to compromise with Austria on this issue, John Bull would surely lose his temper.

The Prusso Federation’s reserves are all in London, and the British Government can turn the Mark into waste paper at any time. The Berlin Government truly has no choice.

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